3.SCIENCE AND LINGUISTICS

        SCIENCE AND LINGUISTICS

     
       Benjamin Lee Whorf
   Every normal person in the world, past infancy in years, can and does talk. By virtue of that fact, every person — civilized or uncivilized — carries through life certain naive but deeply rooted ideas about  talking and its relation to thinking. Because of their firm connection  with speech  habits  that  have  become  unconscious  and  automatic,  these notions tend to be
rather intolerant of opposition. They are by no means entirely personal and haphazard; their basis is definitely systematic, so that we are justified in calling them a system of natural logic — a term that seems to me preferable to the term common sense, often used for the same thing.
  According to natural logic, the fact that every person has talked fluently since infancy makes  every  man  his  own  authority  on  the  process  by  which  he  formulates  and

      

      Figure  9.  Languages  dissect  nature  differently.  The  different  isolates  of  meaning (thoughts)  used  by English and Shawnee in reporting the same experience, that of cleaning a gun by running the  ramrod through it. The pronouns ‘I’ and ‘it’ are not shown by symbols, as they have the same  meaning in each language. In Shawnee ni- equals ‘1’; -a equals ‘it.’ 
communicates. He has merely to consult a common substratum of logic or reason which he and everyone else are supposed to possess. Natural logic says that talking is merely an incidental process concerned strictly with communication, not with formulation of ideas.
   Talking, or the use of language, is supposed only to “express” what is essentially already formulated nonlinguistically. Formulation is an independent  process, called thought or thinking, and is supposed to be largely indifferent to the nature of particular languages. Languages have grammars, which are assumed to be merely norms of conventional and social correctness, but the use of language is supposed to be guided not so much by them as by correct, rational, or intelligent THINKING.
   Thought, in this view, does not depend on grammar but on laws of logic or reason which are supposed to be the same for all observers of the universe — to represent a rationale in the universe that can be “found” independently by all intelligent observers, whether they speak Chinese or Choctaw. In our own culture, the formulations of mathematics and of formal logic have acquired the reputation of dealing with this order of things: i.e., with the realm and laws of pure thought. Natural logic holds that different languages are essentially parallel methods for expressing this one-and-the-same rationale of thought and, hence, differ really in but minor ways which may seem mportant only because they are seen at close range. It holds that mathematics, symbolic logic, philosophy, and so on are systems contrasted with language which deal directly with this realm of thought, not that they are themselves specialized extensions of language. The attitude of natural logic is well shown in an old quip about a German grammarian who devoted his whole life to the study of the dative case. From the point of view of natural logic, the dative case and grammar in general are an extremely minor issue.

   A different attitude is said to have been held by the ancient   Arabians: Two princes, so the story goes, quarreled over the honor of putting  on the shoes of the most learned grammarian of the realm; whereupon their father, the caliph, is said to have remarked that it was the glory of his kingdom that great grammarians were honored even above kings.
   The familiar saying that the exception proves the rule contains a good deal of wisdom, though from the standpoint of formal logic it became an absurdity as soon as “prove” no longer meant “put on trial.” The old saw began to be profound psychology from the time it ceased to have standing in logic. What it might well suggest to us today is that, if a rule has absolutely no exceptions, it is not recognized as a rule or as anything else; it is then part of the background of experience of which we tend to remain unconscious.       

   Never having experienced anything in contrast to it, we cannot isolate it and formulate it as a rule  until  we  so  enlarge  our  experience  and  expand  our  base  of  reference  that  we encounter an interruption of its regularity. The situation is somewhat analogous to that of not missing the water till the well runs dry, or not realizing that we need air till we are choking.
   For instance, if a race of people had the physiological defect of being able to see only the color blue, they would hardly be able to formulate the rule that they saw only blue. The term blue would convey no meaning to them, their language would lack color terms, and  their words denoting their various sensations of blue would answer to, and translate, our words “light, dark, white, black,” and so on, not our word “blue.” In order to formulate the rule or norm of seeing only blue, they would need exceptional moments in which they saw  other colors.  The  phenomenon  of  gravitation  forms  a  rule  without  exceptions;   
    

         Figure 10. Languages classify items of experience differently. The class corresponding to one word  and one thought in language A may be regarded by language B as two or more classes corresponding to two or more words and thoughts. needless to say, the untutored person is utterly unaware of any law of gravitation, for it would never enter his head to conceive of a universe in which bodies behaved otherwise than they do at the earth’s surface. Like the color blue with our hypothetical race, the law of ravitation  is  a  part  of  the untutored  individual’s  background,  not  something  he  isolates from that background. The law could not be formulated until bodies that always fell were seen in terms of a wider astronomical world in which bodies moved in orbits or went this way and that.
   Similarly, whenever we turn our heads, the image of the scene passes across our retinas exactly as it would if the scene turned around us. But this effect is background, and we do not recognize it; we do not see a room turn around us but are conscious only of having turned our heads in a stationary room. If we observe critically while turning the head or eyes quickly, we
shall see, no motion it is true, yet a blurring of the scene between two clear views. Normally we are quite unconscious of this continual blurring but seem to be looking about in an unblurred world.
   Whenever we walk past a tree or house, its image on the retina changes just as if the tree or house were turning on an axis; yet we do not see trees or houses  turn as we travel about at  ordinary speeds. Sometimes ill-fitting glasses will reveal queer movements in the scene as we look about, but normally we do not see the relative motion of the environment when  we move; our psychic makeup is somehow adjusted to disregard whole realms of phenomena that are so all-pervasive as to be irrelevant to our daily lives and needs.
   Natural  logic contains two  fallacies:  First, it  does not  see that  the phenomena of  a language are to its own speakers largely of a background character and so are outside the critical consciousness and control of the speaker who is expounding natural logic. Hence, when anyone, as a natural logician, is talking about reason, logic, and the laws of correct thinking,
he is apt to be simply marching in step with purely grammatical facts that have somewhat of a background character in his own language or family of languages but are by no means universal in all languages and in no sense a common substratum of reason. Second, natural logic confuses agreement about subject matter, attained through use of language, with knowledge of the linguistic process by which agreement is attained: i.e., with the province of the despised (and to its notion superfluous) grammarian. Two fluent speakers, of English let us say, quickly reach a point of assent about the subject matter of their speech; they agree about what their language refers to.
   One of them, A, can give directions that will be carried out by the other, B, to A’s complete satisfaction. Because they thus understand each other so perfectly, A and B, as natural logicians, suppose they must of course know how it is all done.
   They think, e.g., that it is simply a matter of choosing words to express thoughts. If you ask A to explain how he got B’s agreement so readily, he will simply repeat to you, with more or less elaboration or abbreviation, what he said to B. He has no notion of the process involved. The amazingly complex system of linguistic patterns and classifications, which A and B must have in common before they can adjust to each other at all, is all background to A and B.
   These background phenomena are the province of the grammarian — or of the linguist, to give him  his  more modern  name as a scientist. The word linguist  in common,  and especially newspaper, parlance means something entirely different, namely, a person who can  quickly attain  agreement  about  subject  matter  with  different  people  speaking  a number  of 
different  languages.  Such  a  person  is  better   termed  a  polyglot  or  a

      

       Figure 11. Contrast between a “temporal” language (English,) and a “timeless” language (Hopi). What are to English differences of time are to Hopi differences in the kind of validity. multilingual. Scientific linguists have long understood that ability to speak a language fluently does not ecessarily confer a linguistic knowledge of it, i.e., understanding of its background
phenomena and its systematic processes and structure, any more than ability to play a good game of billiards confers or  requires any knowledge of the laws of mechanics that operate upon the billiard table.
   The situation here is not unlike that in any other field of science. All real scientists have their eyes  primarily on background phenomena that cut very little ice, as such, in our daily lives; and yet their studies have a way of bringing out a close relation between these unsuspected realms  of  fact  and  such  decidedly  foreground  activities  as  transporting goods, preparing food, treating the sick, or growing potatoes, which in time may become very much modified, simply because of pure scientific investigation in no way concerned with  these  brute  matters themselves.  Linguistics  presents  a  quite  similar  case;  the background phenomena with
which it deals are involved in all our foreground activities of talking and of reaching agreement, in all reasoning and arguing of cases, in all law, arbitration,  conciliation,  contracts,   treaties, Public  opinion,  weighing  of  scientific theories, formulation of scientific results. Whenever agreement or assent is arrived at in human affairs, and whether or not mathematics or other specialized symbolisms are made part of the procedure, THIS AGREEMENT IS REACHED BY LINGUISTIC  PROCESSES, OR ELSE IT IS NOT REACHED.
   As we have seen, an overt knowledge of the linguistic processes by which agreement is attained is not  necessary to reaching some sort of agreement, but it is certainly no bar thereto; the more complicated  and difficult the matter, the more such knowledge is a distinct aid, till the point may be reached — I suspect the modern world has about arrived at it — when
the knowledge becomes not only an aid but a necessity. The situation may be likened to that of navigation. Every boat that sails is in the lap of planetary forces; yet a boy can pilot his small craft around a harbor without benefit of geography, astronomy, mathematics, or international politics. To the captain of an ocean liner, however, some knowledge of all these subjects is essential.
   When linguists became able to examine critically and scientifically a large number of languages  of  widely  different  patterns,  their  base  of reference    was  expanded;  they experienced an interruption of phenomena hitherto held universal, and a whole new order of significances came into their ken. It was found that the background linguistic system (in other words, the grammar) of each language is not merely a reproducing instrument for voicing ideas but rather is itself the shaper of ideas, the program and guide for the individual’s mental activity, for his analysis of  impressions, for his synthesis of his mental stock in trade. Formulation of ideas is not an independent process, strictly rational in the old sense, but is part of a particular grammar, and differs, from slightly to greatly, between different grammars. We  dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages. The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds — and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds. We cut nature up, organize it into  concepts, and ascribe significances as we do, largely because we are parties to an agreement to organize it in this way — an agreement that
holds throughout our speech community and is codified in the patterns of our language. The agreement is, of  course,  an  implicit  and  unstated  one,  BUT  ITS  TERMS  ARE  ABSOLUTELY  OBLIGATORY; we cannot talk at all except by subscribing to the  organization and classification of data which the agreement decrees.    This fact is very significant for modern science, for it means that no individual is free to describe  nature  with  absolute  impartiality but  is  constrained  to  certain  modes  of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. The person most nearly free in such respects would be a linguist familiar with very many widely different linguistic systems.
   As yet no linguist is in any such position. We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe,  unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar, or can in some way be calibrated.
   This rather  startling  conclusion  is  not  so  apparent  if  we compare only  our  modern European languages, with perhaps Latin and Greek thrown in for good measure. Among these tongues there is a  unanimity of major pattern which at first seems to bear out natural logic. But this unanimity exists only because these tongues are all Indo-European dialects cut to the
same basic plan, being historically transmitted from what was long ago one speech community; because the modern dialects have long shared in building up a common culture; and because much of this culture, on the more intellectual  side, is derived from the linguistic backgrounds of Latin and Greek. Thus this group of languages satisfies the special case of the
clause beginning “unless” in the statement of the linguistic relativity principle at the end of the preceding paragraph. From this condition follows the unanimity of description of the world in the community of modern scientists. But it must be emphasized that “all modern Indo-European-speaking observers” is not the same thing as “all observers.” That modern
Chinese or Turkish scientists describe the world in the same terms as Western scientists means, of course, only that they have taken over bodily the entire Western system of rationalizations, not that they have corroborated that system from their native posts of
observation.
   When Semitic, Chinese, Tibetan, or African languages are contrasted with our own, the divergence in analysis of the world becomes more apparent; and, when we bring in the native languages of the Americas, where speech communities for many millenniums have gone their ways independently of each other and of the Old World, the fact that languages dissect nature
in many different ways becomes patent.  The relativity of all conceptual systems,  ours  included,  and  their  dependence  upon  language  stand  revealed.  That American Indians speaking only their native tongues are never called upon to act as scientific observers is in no wise to the point. To exclude the evidence which their languages offer  as to what the human
mind can do is like expecting botanists to study nothing but food plants and hothouse roses and then tell us what the plant world is like!
   Let us consider a few examples. In English we divide most of our words into two classes, which have  different grammatical and logical properties. Class 1 we call nouns, e.g.,‘house, man’; class 2, verbs, e.g., ‘hit, run.’ Many words of one class can act secondarily as of the other class, e.g., ‘a hit, a run,’ or ‘to man (the boat),’ but, on the primary level, the division
between the classes is absolute. Our language thus gives us a bipolar division of nature. But nature herself is not thus polarized. If it be said that ‘strike, turn, run,’ are verbs because they denote temporary or short-lasting  events, i.e., actions, why then is ‘fist’  a noun? It  also  is a temporary  event. 
   Why  are ‘lightning,  spark,  wave,  eddy, pulsation, flame, storm, phase,cycle, spasm, noise, emotion’ nouns? They are temporary events. If ‘man’ and ‘house’ are nouns because they are longlasting and stable events, i.e., things, what then are ‘keep, adhere, extend, project, continue, persist, grow, dwel1,’  and so on doing among the verbs? If it be objected that
‘possess, adhere’ are verbs because  they  are  stable  relationships  rather than  stable  percepts,  why  then  should ‘equilibrium, pressure, current, peace, group, nation, society, tribe, sister,’ or any kinship term be among the nouns? It will be found that an “event” to us means “what our language classes as a verb” or something analogized therefrom.  And it will be found that it is not possible to define ‘event, thing, object, relationship,’ and so on,from nature, but that to define them always involves a circuitous return to the grammatical categories of the definer’s language.
   In the Hopi language, ‘lightning, wave, flame, meteor, puff of smoke, pulsation’ are verbs — events of necessarily brief duration cannot be anything but verbs. ‘Cloud’ and ‘storm’ are at about the lower limit of duration for nouns. Hopi, you see, actually has a classification of events (or linguistic isolates) by duration type, something strange to our modes of thought. On the other  hand, in Nootka, a language of Vancouver Island, all words seem to us to be verbs, but really there are no classes 1 and 2; we have, as it were, a monistic view of nature that gives us only one class of word for all kinds of events. ‘A house occurs’ or ‘it houses’ is the way
of saying ‘house,’ exactly like ‘a flame occurs’ or ‘it burns.’ These terms seem to us like verbs because they are inflected for durational and temporal nuances, so that the suffixes of the word for house event make it mean long- lasting house, temporary house, future house, house that used to be, what started out to be a house, and so on.
   Hopi has one noun that covers every thing or being that flies, with the exception of birds, which class is denoted by another noun. The former noun may be said to denote the class (FC-B) — flying class minus bird. The Hopi actually call insect, airplane, and aviator all by the same word, and feel no difficulty about it. The situation, of course, decides any possible
confusion among very disparate members of a broad linguistic class, such as this class (FC-B). This class seems to us too large and inclusive, but so  would our class ‘snow’ to an Eskimo. We have the same word for falling snow, snow on the ground, snow  packed  hard  like  ice, slushy  snow,  wind-driven  flying  snow  —  whatever  the situation may be. To an Eskimo, this all-inclusive word would be almost unthinkable; he would say that falling snow, slushy  snow, and so on, are sensuously and operationally different, different things to contend with; he uses different words for them and for other kinds of snow. The Aztecs go even farther than we in
the opposite direction, with ‘cold,’ ‘ice,’ and ‘snow’ all represented by the same basic word with different terminations; ‘ice’ is the noun form; ‘cold,’ the adjectival form; and for ‘snow,’ “ice mist.”
   What surprises most is to find that various grand generalizations of the Western world, such as time,  velocity, and matter, are not essential to the construction of a consistent picture of the universe. The psychic experiences that we class under these headings are, of course, not destroyed; rather, categories derived from other kinds of experiences take over the rulership of the cosmology and seem to function just as well. Hopi may be called a timeless language. It recognizes psychological time, which is much like  Bergson’s “duration,”  but  this  “time”  is quite  unlike  the  mathematical  time,  T,  used  by  our  physicists.  Among  the peculiar 
properties of  Hopi  time are that  it  varies with  each observer, does  not permit of simultaneity, and has zero dimensions; i.e., it cannot be given a number greater than one. The Hopi do not say, “I stayed five days,” but “I left on the fifth day.” A word referring to this kind of  time, like the word day, can have no plural. The puzzle picture (Fig.11, page 213) will give
mental  exercise to anyone who would like to figure out how the Hopi verb gets along without tenses. Actually, the only practical use of our tenses, in one-verb sentences, is to distinguish among five typical situations,  which  are  symbolized  in  the  picture.  The  timeless  Hopi verb  does  not distinguish  between the present, past, and future of the event itself but must always indicate what type of validity the SPEAKER intends the statement to have:

   (a) report of an event (situations 1, 2, 3 in the picture); (b) expectation of an event (situation 4); (c) generalization  or  law  about events (situation  5).  Situation 1,  where the speaker  and listener are in contact with the same objective field, is divided by our language into the two conditions, la and lb, which it calls present and past, respectively. This division is unnecessary for a language which assures one that the statement is a report.
   Hopi grammar, by means of its forms called aspects and modes, also makes it easy to distinguish among momentary, continued, and repeated occurrences, and to indicate the actual sequence of reported events. Thus the universe can be described without recourse to a concept of dimensional time. How  would a physics constructed along these lines work, with no T (time) in its equations? Perfectly, as far as I can see, though of course it would  require different  ideology  and  perhaps  different  mathematics.  Of  course  V (velocity) would have to go too.
   The Hopi language has no word really equivalent to our ‘speed’ or ‘rapid.’ What translates these terms is usually a word meaning intense or very, accompanying any verb of motion. Here is a clue to the nature of our new physics. We may have to introduce a new  term I, intensity. Every thing and event will have an I, whether we regard the thing or event as moving
or as just enduring or being. Perhaps the I of an electric charge will turn out to be its voltage, or potential. We shall use clocks to measure  some  intensities,  or,  rather,  some  RELATIVE intensities,  for  the  absolute intensity of anything will be meaningless. Our old friend acceleration will still be there but  doubtless under a new name. We shall perhaps call it V,
meaning not velocity but variation. Perhaps all growths and accumulations will be regarded as V’s.
   We should not have the concept of rate in the  temporal sense, since, like velocity, rate introduces a mathematical and linguistic time. Of course we know that all measurements are ratios, but the measurements of intensities made by comparison with the standard intensity of a clock or a planet we do not treat as ratios, any more than we so treat a distance made by
comparison with a yardstick.
   A scientist from another culture that used time and velocity would have great difficulty in getting us to understand these concepts. We should talk about the intensity of a chemical reaction; he would speak of its velocity or its rate, which words we should at first think were simply words for intensity in his language. Likewise, he at first would think that intensity was
simply our own word for velocity. At first we should agree, later we should begin  to  disagree, and  it  might  dawn  upon  both  sides  that   different  systems  of rationalization were being used. He would find it very hard to make us understand what he really meant by velocity of a chemical reaction. We should have no words that would fit. He would try to explain it by likening it to a running horse, to the difference between a good horse and a lazy horse. We should try to show him, with a superior laugh, that his analogy also was a matter of different intensities, aside from  which there was little similarity between a horse and a chemical reaction in a beaker. We should point out that a running horse is moving relative to the ground,
whereas the material in the beaker is at rest.
   One significant contribution to science from the linguistic point of view may be the greater development of our sense of perspective. We shall no longer be able to see a few recent dialects of the Indo-European family, and the rationalizing techniques elaborated from their patterns, as the apex of the  evolution of the human mind, nor their present wide spread as due to any survival from fitness or to anything but a few events of history — events that could be called fortunate only from the parochial point of view of the favored  parties. They,  and our  own  thought processes with them,  can  no  longer  be envisioned as spanning the gamut of reason and knowledge but only as one constellation in a galactic expanse.
   A fair realization of the incredible degree of diversity of linguistic system that ranges over the globe leaves one with an inescapable feeling that the human spirit is inconceivably old; that the few thousand years of history covered by our written records are no more than the thickness of a pencil mark on the scale that measures our past experience on this planet; that
the events of these recent millenniums spell nothing in any evolutionary wise, that the race has taken no sudden spurt, achieved no commanding synthesis during  recent  millenniums,  but has only  played a little with a few  of the linguistic formulations and views of nature bequeathed from an inexpressibly longer past. Yet neither this feeling nor the sense of precarious  dependence of all we know upon linguistic tools which themselves are largely unknown need be discouraging to science but should, rather, foster that humility which accompanies the true scientific spirit, and thus  forbid  that  arrogance  of  the  mind  which hinders  real  scientific  curiosity  and detachment.

 

 

 

 

 

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